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Parents who are able, pay fees which enables needy children to attend the school for free. Children sponsored through the ChildAid programme also attend the school.
Planting churches throughout Africa to serve the spiritual and physical needs of needy communities.
The school has taken in many orphans and provides them a home as well as an education. Based in Siyabuswa, this centre provides opportunities for destitute women to earn an income through making and selling snack foods or learning how to make and sell handicrafts. Spiritual support is given to women suffering the loss of their husbands and supplies of food aid are given, where needed. Small loans allow families to get into the local agriculture trade, including chicken, pig and goat husbandry, in order to earn an income and provide for themselves.
Covid response became an unexpected but far-reaching challenge during Initially for Grace School in operating during lockdown by facilitating on-line access not easy when many have no access to on-line devices of any kinds but recently children have been able to return to classes albeit socially distanced ones.
Over spring-summer , food security and combatting hunger in the wider community was a major focus. Keep up-to-date with all the latest news and appeals from WorldShare. The boundary of a field may be marked with one to a few rows of simply arranged stones, or sometimes lined with considerable stone walls, usually measuring well over a meter in height. Sizes and shapes of individually marked farming plots have been seen to vary wildly in both size and shape, but common among Bokoni agricultural endeavors is the tendency to place plots on slopes as opposed to within flatter plains.
While it is possible, and assumed by academics, that agriculture occurred on the plains, there are no terraces, structures, or other archaeological evidence yet found to imply that this is the case. Stone materials for the construction of terraces and other hillside stone structures have been noted to be sourced from the same hills on which they have been purposed.
Terraces prove useful in the struggle against soil erosion on hillside sites. Terraces here succeed in not only organizing plots of farmland, but in making cultivation possible on the steeper slopes of the area, where soil erosion would otherwise prove problematic. Bokoni homesteads share a degree of uniformity in their layout: central livestock kraals , surrounded by domestic spaces, in turn surrounded by an encompassing outer wall. Most of the time, a homestead will be connected with a small, individual road to a larger, communal road leading to other homesteads and other parts of the settlement.
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Houses have been seen to be built in the domestic spaces of these homesteads. Superstructures are assumed to have been softer materials than stone: leading to a lack of visible remains besides the stone lining where walls would have been for most sites, and fire pits for some sites. The exception to this trend are some sites featuring nearly-entire stone huts also displaying the use of corbels: usually found in outlier cluster sites to the south of the main Bokoni regions. Homesteads are notable for the role they played in the context of Koni spirituality: as the spirit world of the Koni belief system could only be reached by male heads of household through the power channeled through ties to deceased patrilineal ancestors.
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In archaeological studies, researchers identified and separated out three distinct varieties of homesteads:. In comparison to other homestead-type sites across the continent, it is generally recognized that Bokoni homestead sites are unique in their failure to follow traditional pattern conventions. This is true of not only general design, but also of such features as oppositional-oriented enclosures of the first and second homestead varieties, and directionally-oriented outer enclosures of the second and third varieties.
Generally considered to be an integral component of Bokoni homesteads, the Koni frequently created rock engravings. These were once thought to have been recognizable as detailed 'floor plans' of homesteads, [9] but are now considered to be more interpretive in nature. Across Mpumalanga, the role of chiefs between societies show frequent similarities.
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This led to the development of higher-elevation stone-walled structures and, eventually, more fortified defensive structures. The tasks of group chiefs were aided by councillors, as well as 'headmen', drawn from the diverse subgroups of each chiefdom. Both councillors and headmen were representative of their respective sub-groups ontologies and politics, and was selected based on age, rank, and skill. Geology for this region hints at high-quality soils, retained in place by a system of stone terracing.
Maize would prove easier to produce, but less valuable. Farming was usually seen as women's work, and was a job delegated to the women of a homestead. Chiefs were also responsible for the allocation of land for farming for their represented groups and individuals.
R18m allocated for Mpumalanga water shortages
Land would be split between residential, tillage, and grazing zones. The information regarding decisions of this nature was passed through chiefs to their subordinate; and from these councillors and headmen to the groups that they represented. At some point in the 19th century, possibly coinciding with a brief visit by David Livingstone , missionaries introduced plows and oxen as farming technologies to various groups of the Bokoni. It is unknown whether these methods proved effective in conjunction with stone terracing in agriculture.
These were usually modified with bored stones as weights. As mixed-farming communities, the Koni were heavily invested in cattle herding. Possessing vast herds of cattle was also a popular method for authority and chief figures to display their wealth. It has been noted in some instances that local warfare was more commonly associated with the goal of thieving cattle than with killing other people. Known for their efficiency, a small group of Koni males could keep watch over and successfully herd a large number of cattle at once. In spite of the fact that cattle could be used as bride price for a wife, women were explicitly banned from interacting with cattle in some nearby areas.
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Their presence was deemed unsafe to cattle, and new wives in nearby southern Nguni groups could not drink milk of the herds. The Bokoni were subject to all manner of hardship: including drought, vermin and locusts, crop diseases, and human diseases such as malaria and trypanosomiasis. Hardships were addressed by the Koni in a number of creative ways. Cattle-sourced fertilizer, hinted at by a lack of manure in stone enclosures, was utilized to supplement crops; [14] and other crops were introduced for cattle grazing based on seasonal systems of rotation.
The Koni were noted to have distinct, but not concrete, roles associated with genders: women were generally associated with tilling, and men were associated with stock-keeping. These roles were not absolute. Age-based assignments would include such activities as hunting.