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Lloyd George was a mercurial, impulsive, intuitive leader: passionate, articulate and persuasive.
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He did not act in out of studious analysis of British interests and post-war imperial strategy; nor even as Joseph Chamberlain had done in out of sympathy on hearing of persecuted Jews in Central and Eastern Europe. Rather, devoted to an imagined Palestine and a notion of resurrecting something of a splendid past, Lloyd George fell easily under the spell of Weizmann and succumbed to the Zionist dream. We may infer that, broadly, his heart and his head moved him in in a single direction. Lloyd George wanted Palestine, and he wanted a Jewish homeland there.
There were months of gestation before his pledge was formulated, approved and published. Nonetheless, his responses to both Weizmann and Venizelos - to the cause of the Jewish homeland, and to the cause of Greater Greece - look less like cool statesmanship than caprice. Improvising policy for an immediate goal, such as insisting on the use of convoys in to protect British shipping in the Atlantic, was one thing — and in this case helped to win the war.
Improvising policy for the long term, such as uncritical support for Zionism — which from November did nothing to help win the war - was another. Weizmann was the most influential Zionist spokesman after Herzl. And yet it was he, more than any other Zionist leader, who won the Great Power endorsement Herzl had advocated but failed to win.
In , Weizmann had left Russia for Germany to study.
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He moved to England in and became a lecturer in chemistry at Manchester University soon after which he had an encounter with Arthur Balfour, recounted below. He became a leader among British Zionists, visiting Palestine for the first time in He adopted British citizenship in At the outbreak of the war, the War Office invited British scientists to report all discoveries likely to be of military value. The Admiralty promoted its large-scale manufacture.
Circumstances brought Weizmann to London.
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There, partly through his contribution to the British war effort, he earned the confidence of British leaders. Weizmann took full advantage of his connections and engaged in more than two years of lobbying. He tirelessly confronted British Jewish opposition while at the same time courting the Cabinet, the Foreign Office and Lord Rothschild. Professional expertise converged with political ambition and opportunism. Weizmann had extraordinary charisma; he was able to win over even the sceptic. Weizmann played on this. It will be the Asiatic Belgium, especially if it is developed by the Jews.
By now a British subject himself, Weizmann argued that the movement should hope for an Allied victory.
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Soon after Turkey entered the war, he told C. Jonathan Schneer invites us to ponder how differently events might have unfolded, if the Palestinians had possessed in London, during these critical years, an advocate for Arab nationalism who was as skilful and eloquent as Chaim Weizmann. But the conclusion, the decision, is a perfect blank in my mind. In this light, any attempt to identify his thinking and personal motivation has to be conjectural and inconclusive. Balfour was Foreign Secretary in and signatory to the historic letter to Lord Rothschild.
The case of Balfour suggests that one individual could hold both positive and negative feelings toward the Jews. Balfour met Weizmann almost a decade before Lloyd George did: an unexpected encounter early in Brought up on the Old Testament, Balfour had long had a sympathetic interest in the history of the Jews. While he was campaigning, his agent himself Jewish suggested a meeting with the 32 year-old Weizmann, who was then a lecturer in the Chemistry department at Manchester University. Weizmann had a profound effect on Balfour. They became friends.
Indeed, Balfour later claimed to have personally adopted it. And yet as Prime Minister, Balfour had presided over the passage of the Aliens Act, in August to come into effect on 1 January Public opinion and the press had demanded an end to the immigration. It was condemned by Jewish critics in Britain as an act of anti-Semitism. It was clear that Jews were no more welcome in Britain, where they sought refuge, than in the Russia from which they fled.
Nonetheless, the two initiatives of Balfour, in and , while seemingly contradictory, may have been complementary. There is no reason to doubt his sympathetic awareness, since childhood, of the plight of contemporary Jewry. But his overriding and consistent view confirmed in both acts was that the Jews should not find a home in England.
In , the focus was negative, on not admitting Jews to Britain; in it was positive, on admitting them to Palestine. Weizmann was not reluctant to play the nimbyist anti-Semitic card. Millions of Jews were trying to leave the former Russian and Austrian Empires: where could they go? For Balfour and perhaps Lloyd George and others, altruism and self-interest pointed in the same direction: Palestine where Arab nimbyism was not to be indulged. Nimbyism at the heart of the Balfour Declaration is further illustrated by Leo Amery, a secretary to the imperial war Cabinet who was largely responsible for drafting the final British text.
They jabber about the mines all day long; I hope they will be made to pay. However, World War One was a different affair.
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He was impressed. There were no indications here of sudden compassion for Jews having to flee persecution and pogroms in Eastern Europe. Winston Churchill was another who held it. Such a powerful global community had to be appeased. If it wanted a national homeland, Britain must offer one. A fusion of interests had been recognised by Herzl. Such beliefs lay behind his dealings with the notoriously anti-Semitic Russian Minister of the Interior, von Plehve. A plausible conclusion is that behind the Balfour Declaration, issued at a critical war-time moment in , lay a congruence of Zionism with British, casually anti-Semitic, nimbyism.
He was reported to have been close to tears in the Cabinet. He believed whole-heartedly in assimilation. His own achievements and position strengthened the case of innumerable Jews in Britain, and elsewhere, that assimilation into a gentile society was not only possible but far preferable to emigration to an undeveloped notional Jewish national home.
Anxiety looms at the start of the Montagu Memorandum, August He marshalls four arguments in support of this deep concern. First, a designated Jewish homeland would confirm the gentile prejudice that all Jews were restless aliens. It would mean that Jews would be regarded as foreigners, everywhere else.
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Other countries would find an outlet for their anti-Semitism by seeking to export their own Jews. Whatever its provenance - the real or imagined motivations of its creators - it would have an anti-Semitic effect. Assimilation, achieved by so many like him, would be undermined. Moreover, through their service to the country, Jews in Britain have earned the right to be regarded not as British Jews but as Jewish Britons. Assimilation is working. Fourthly, Palestine is special not just for Jews but for Muslims and Christians.
To no avail.
His heartfelt and prophetic arguments were almost wholly ignored. And Weizmann was allowed to wait outside when the Cabinet held the meeting, on 31 October , at which the decision to issue the declaration was made.