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We believed that we teach people by example. Offices in the Transvaal and Natal followed in and respectively, but the Eastern Cape emerged as the dominant region in terms of projects and the calibre of staff it employed. The BCM was becoming a presence in the country and not only at tertiary institutions — it was visible in the media, at schools, at community theatres, and in events that broke the pattern of quiescence that followed the banning of the ANC and PAC.

But the movement also began to suffer casualties, with Tiro perhaps the first of these when he was expelled from the Turfloop University. Another setback came with the tragic death of Mthuli Shezi in December , when he was pushed onto the path of an oncoming train after defending Black women who were being abused by a railway official. Although not an official response to BC, the incident demonstrates the challenges BC activists faced in trying to achieve normal relations in an abnormal society. What Shezi did was simply to halt one of countless incidences of everyday brutality that the Black population had become accustomed to, and which BC was trying to reverse.

In March , the state cracked down, banning Drake Koka and Bokwe Mafuna , who were engaged in union projects. Biko and Pityana were banned in the same month. In August , Mosibudi Mangena was sentenced to five years in prison for allegedly recruiting two policemen to join the armed struggle. Tiro followed the way of Shezi when he was killed in January by a parcel bomb after he went into exile in Botswana , reflecting a new ruthlessness on the part of the security agencies.

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The leaders who replaced those banned in March were in turn banned in August of the same year. Those who replaced these leaders were themselves banned in October.

Nevertheless the BCM continued to exert a growing influence on the politics of the country, and some decisions brought further repression from the state. The Frelimo Rallies precipitated another huge confrontation between the state and the BCM more on this below. The growth, development and outlawing of the broader BCM, which cannot be dealt with in detail in this article, can be read here. Suffice to say that Steve continued on a path that saw his involvement in the movement grow and develop in many directions.

Having given up the idea of becoming a doctor, Steve enrolled for various courses at the distance-learning university, Unisa, and in he began studying law and political science, subjects more relevant to his political involvement. The situation proved to be stressful for all concerned, and added to the pressures of their political activities. With Steve working for the Black Community Programmes, earning a stipend, the family relied on the income of Ntsiki, who had been the main breadwinner for some time.

But with the move to Ginsberg, the Apartheid authorities ensured that Ntsiki would not easily find a job, and the family struggled to make ends meet. The weeks turned into months and years; in fact he never left. Steve met up with an old friend, Fikile Mlinda, and asked him to help in the establishment of a BPC branch in Ginsberg. But members of the local community were encouraged by the strong turnout, including the comrades from far-off regions.

Steve was drawn to Russell, who became his confidant. Russell had for some time been involved with people forcibly removed from Middelburg and Burgersdorp to Dimbaza , which was part of his parish. Russell had engaged in protests against the forced removals, in one instance going on a fast to draw attention to the hunger of the people moved to a barren area with no infrastructure.

But Russell moved from the area in December , depriving Steve of a close and trusted friend. Steve was also in frequent contact with Father Aelred Stubbs, who had moved to Alice when he began serving at the Federal Seminary. He also became a confidant, and Steve frequently wrote to him when Stubbs was moved back to Rosettenville in Besides his BC comrades, Steve was lucky to have his family around him to provide a strong support system. His mother, Mamcete, and sisters Nobandile and Bukelwa all played a part in keeping not just Biko but his comrades in good health and spirits.

The Biko family house was a gathering place for the movement, but also a place where they had meals, drank and enjoyed socialising.

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Steve engaged in several projects in the area. These were attempts, often successful, to create businesses and employment. Njwaxa manufactured leather goods and clothes, employing about 50 people in Steve set up the Ginsberg Educational Fund, which provided bursaries for students, many of them going to Fort Hare University. Steve also helped revive the Ginsberg Creche to look after toddlers whose mothers needed to leave their homes to go out to work.

Steve had a good relationship with Tyamzashe, who was a composer of choral music which Steve was drawn to. Zanempilo, which opened its doors in January , became the nerve centre of BCM activities. Biko and Donald Woods. With the emergence of the BCM, several White commentators and institutions reacted to the development of what they saw as a separatist Black grouping that conformed to the wishes of Apartheid plans for an intensified segregation.

The meeting is remembered differently by each of the two protagonists. Ramphele recounts that she explained what BC was all about and urged Woods to meet with Steve so the latter could explain the philosophy, strategy and practices of the BCM. Woods remembers a confident, feisty, woman whose straight talk and intelligence forced him into a reconsideration of BC. Woods met Steve sometime after Zanempilo opened its doors. The two hit it off, and became firm friends, with Woods and his family becoming frequent visitors to Zanempilo.

Mohapi was later arrested and killed while in detention. With the first generation of BC leaders officially — but not effectively — prohibited from political activity, a second generation of leaders emerged, among them Muntu Myeza. Appointed SASO secretary general for , Myeza came up with the idea of holding rallies to celebrate the transitional government of Frelimo, and the impending independence of Mozambique. The rallies were banned soon after they were announced, but Myeza and his colleagues were defiant, determined to hold the rallies nonetheless.

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Biko was cautious, arguing that they were putting the lives of supporters at risk. He was backed by Mapetla Mohapi and Malusi Mpumlwana, but the younger leaders ignored their advice, and the Curries Fountain rally went ahead, with Myeza addressing 5, people. At Turfloop, students clashed with the police. Steve was subpoenaed as a defence witness, and he appeared in the dock at the Pretoria Supreme Court from 3 May to 7 May, for an entire week.

Biko was called at the very time that the BPC was embarking on its unifying role aimed at making contact with those banned organisations, and his genius lay in the way in which he kept many balls in the air at once, not compromising, not intimidating and yet maintaining the attention of the judge. Not everything he said was exactly the way it was.

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Here at last was the authentic voice of the people, not afraid to say openly what other Blacks think but are too frightened to say. Steve was still highly active in the everyday operations of BCP, and he was frequently consulted on issues relating to the larger BC movement, with activists making trips from the larger centres to confer with him. He became a leader that foreign diplomats sought out to get a picture of the political situation in South Africa. A nurse at Fort Beaufort Mental Hospital, she came to Zanempilo complaining of chest pains and was sedated.

But she returned home and died of a heart attack the next morning. Police, confronted by thousands of angry school pupils opened fire, killing hundreds of pupils. A severe crackdown on BC activists followed the uprising. Mapetla Mohapi was arrested on 15 July , and was killed three weeks later, a development that deeply disturbed Steve. On 27 August , at the height of the Soweto uprising , Steve was arrested and held in solitary confinement for days.


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Soon after his release, Biko met American Senator Dick Clark in December , one of a string of diplomats who wanted to get a sense of Black thinking at the time. The chair of the Senate Sub-committee on Africa, Clark was an influential contact, but some BC leaders, especially those based in Cape Town , disapproved of the meeting with an American diplomat.