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Help: You are reading it right now. Emme18 32, Man, Seeing someone Kwaluseni, Swaziland. Hotdog 38, Man, Single Manzini, Swaziland. Zwelisha 34, Man, Single Manzini, Swaziland. Polarbear 34, Man, Single Manzini, Swaziland. The ICU was very influential in channeling African political aspirations in the s, although thereafter it faded from the scene.
Its radical socialist ideas drew many African supporters in the industrial sector. However, the CPSA, with its extreme socialism and radical class analysis dictated by the Communist International, fell out with the more enlightened and cautious, consultative approach of the ANC. It was not only in the towns that women became more assertive and pro-active. Historian William Beinart has researched the role of African women in rural politics in the Herschel district of the eastern Cape in the s and s Bozzoli The increasing level of male migrancy in the region had left many of the women in this remote rural area poverty-stricken and unable to feed their families.
The women were dissatisfied with their treatment at the hands of the local traders to whom they sold their surplus produce such as maize, sorghum and wheat and from whom they purchased their basic commodities.
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The trading was completely unregulated and according to the women, the traders kept their prices for produce received extremely low; at the same time they raised the prices of the commodities the women had to purchase from them. Bad harvests and drought were followed by years when there were good harvests. To avoid paying higher prices the traders would stockpile produce to see them over the lean years … leaving the African families without any cash to purchase basic necessities. The women felt that the traders were taking unfair advantage of their plight and in , under the leadership of local women such as Mrs Annie Sidyiyo, they decided to launch a total boycott of the trading stores.
Similar action took place in the Qumbu district. In retaliation the traders had the police charge women who forcibly removed goods that anyone tried to purchase from the stores thus breaking the boycott. But the arrests and subsequent court appearances merely increased the women's solidarity. In the end it was the traders who agreed to regulate prices.
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In Potchefstroom in the municipal authorities' demand that women should pay a monthly fee for a lodger's permits was responsible for determined resistance initiated and led by women. Josie Palmer, a young coloured woman who was a local resident and prominent member of the CPSA took the leading role, and despite the fact that an ANC member, a Mrs Bhola, was also among the main organizers, it is clear that there was considerable Communist Party backing for the initiative. According to Julia Wells there was more militancy, violence and bloodshed than in Bloemfontein because international communism had influenced the women to join with the men and take the bold step of withdrawing the town's entire black labour force, leading to a situation of near panic among whites.
Violence erupted at the meeting and the police stepped in. Five black people one of whom later died were injured in the gunfire as white townspeople squared up against the militant blacks Wells A general strike then followed, continuing until January ICU women members, beer halls and boycotts. Beer-drinking was a popular social practice among Zulu men, while beer-brewing gave women an opportunity to make a small income and thus allow them to assert their independence. As for the government, it realized that by taking over the informal liquor trade it could curb the women's aspirations for financial, social and political empowerment and at the same time set up its own beer-canteens.
Control over Africans within the reserves and the townships could thus be strengthened. To top it all, a tidy profit could be made to boost funds and put more restrictions in place. With the Liquor Act in place, police raids duly began.
The privacy of homes was invaded; houses were wrecked, floors dug up, furniture smashed and liquor confiscated. There were also allegations of sexual harassment by police. Quite apart from the damage to their property, the new regulations hit the women very hard. The production and consumption of utshwala was restricted to municipal canteens. Not only did women lose their income from selling the home-brew, but they also had to watch their husbands using their wages in the canteens, thus making the authorities richer.
Moreover the women were enraged that the canteen sold utshwala to its customers at for to five times its cost price. In her article on the beer protests Helen Bradford explains that the women were determined not to be entirely under financial control of the male workers; they wanted the opportunity to be independent and this, more than anything else, motivated them to protest Bradford in Bozzoli They decided to take the matter into their own hands.
Backed by the Natal branch of the ICU and joined by some men, they were determined to resist the new regulations, boycott the canteens and force them to close. Bradford claims that the church, and particularly Christianity, was a unifying force among many of the women. One of the main organizers was Ma-Dhlamini who was reputed to be in the forefront of all the demonstrations. In , beginning in Ladysmith, a rash of resistance began to spreading through Natal, focusing on small towns like Weenen, Glencoe, Howick, Dundee.
Women marched into the towns in an overtly militant manner, shouting war chants and brandishing their sticks.
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They raided the canteens and assaulted the male customers. In Durban on 17 June chaos erupted with 2 whites clashing with 6 Africans on 17 June More than people were injured and eight died in the protracted unrest. Cases were heard by local magistrates and some towns issued beer-brewing permits. Sentences were often suspended and a conciliatory approach was followed although some women received harsh sentences. By and large the municipal canteens and the liquor-brewing regulations apparently remained in place.
Natal Trade Unionists. The early s were difficult years. There was a worldwide depression and South Africa did not escape its effects. Unemployment soared and there was widespread poverty. Although urban dwellers felt the pinch too, it was the families in the rural areas and particularly those in the reserves that suffered the most. African women struggled to feed their families and often the only option was to go into the towns to look for some means of supplementing the family income; often domestic service proved to be the answer. In the s the government made some attempts to stem the flow of African women into the towns, but as women unlike men did not yet have to carry compulsory passes, female migration to the towns continued.
Urbanisation thus received another boost. Afrikaner women, like their African, Indian and Coloured counterparts, began to enter the labour market in increasing numbers, often finding work in the industrial sector. As women and mothers they had to find a way to escape the endless grind of poverty and give their children a better chance in life. In her article on Afrikaner women in the Garment Workers' Union GWU Vincent quotes a particularly poignant translated piece from an Afrikaans trade union newsletter:. No beard grows upon my cheeks But in my heart I carry a sword The battle sword for bread and honour Against the poverty which pains my mother hear t.
Bread and butter issues motivated women's to resist in the difficult s. This is why the socialist ideas of the CPSA and the work-oriented trade union movement appealed to women workers across the board.
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The main movements through which women expressed their growing political awareness in the s were therefore the ANC, the CPSA and the trade union movement. The role of these movements in women's resistance, tenuous in the late s and s, began to escalate in the s and will be discussed in the next section. District Committee of the Communist Party. Josie Palmer is the first person on the right in the front row. The s opened with the devastating Second World War in full swing.
This decade also marked the gradual transition from a mining and agricultural economy before the war to a flourishing industrial economy with the development of many new secondary industries in its aftermath. By this time the reserves were so depleted that they no longer provided a subsistence base for African families; they lived in extreme poverty.
Urban blacks in the townships also lived under appalling conditions and Coloured and Indian people fared little better. The government and the black opposition moved even further apart. This trend was accentuated by significant shifts in both black and white politics. This group of young, more assertive black leaders were destined to revive the ANC which had fallen into lethargy in the previous decade and the CYL began to set the tone for a new spirit of resistance.
African women were quick to follow this lead and in began to press for the formation of a women's league within the ANC structures so that they, too, could join the struggle against oppression. Black trade unions grew rapidly, fuelled by the growing numbers of urban workers. They were becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the status quo and a number of major strikes and boycotts were held in the s, notably the strike of African mineworkers in As we shall see, women workers of all races, now a permanent part of the industrial scene, were not slow to play their part in this climate of unrest.
Within the trade unions the names of militant working women such as Frances Baard, Lilian Ngoyi and Bertha Mashaba began to be heard. In fact the s and s highlight the changing role of African women, and particularly working-class black women, in South Africa's political economy. White politics took a dramatic new turn in The National Party won the whites-only election in and began systematically to entrench its control. The segregation policies of previous white governments now hardened into the birth of the apartheid regime and as the s gave way to the s the government began to implement a wide range of oppressive apartheid legislation, including attempts to control the mobility of African women and create a stable urban proletariat.
The stage was thus set for popular resistance that was to last until - resistance in which women played an important part. During the war the cost of living soared and economic hardship increased and women struggled to feed their families. Women in the sprawling squatter camps or informal settlements on the outskirts of the urban areas took on a variety of informal jobs in order to survive. And it was clear that in such dire poverty these women were becoming more politicised.
In Johannesburg, women formed the People's Food Council in in an effort to improve the distribution of food; among other activities it held a conference on the food situation and organised raids on Fordsburg shopkeepers who were suspected of hoarding food. In the residents including many women of Alexandra Township challenged an increase in the bus fare into Johannesburg and boycotted the buses until the bus company relented. Women were active in a number of squatter movements in and around the cities. And near Johannesburg black women applauded and supported James Mpanza's establishment of Shantytown in in defiance of the regulations against squatting.
The Alexandra Women's Council AWC was established at about this time too, and became active in issues relating to housing and squatting. Women also organised a march through Johannesburg in to protest against the housing shortage, a campaign in which Julia Mpanze was prominent.
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The restrictions on the home-brewing of beer also roused women into taking action against the authorities. There was unrest in Springs in when local women, with CPSA backing, organised a boycott of the municipal canteens. This led to police action and many of those who were arrested were women.
Part of the rejuvenation process of the ANC in the s was to build up mass membership and the role of women and their potential as a powerful agent of change was at last recognised.