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Political affiliations became a more visible factor as violence escalated around the province in the later years. The labelling of different forms of conflict as faction fighting or political violence has often resulted in very different approaches being taken to the study of these forms.
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However, the case presented here from Umbumbulu, where a faction fight occurred directly prior to the escalation of political violence, suggests that there is much to be learned from studying these forms of conflict side by side. Features of faction fighting, such as the importance of local power struggles among customary leaders and strongmen, and the recruitment of young men through kinship and patronage networks, were present during the time of political violence — just as external factors, particularly allegiances with national political parties and their access to military training and weapons, influenced the faction fight.
The unusual feature of the case from Umbumbulu is the ANC affiliation of two of the major warlords at a time when most of the men labelled as warlords were IFP-affiliated. Sipho Mkhize's history is closer to a typical profile of an ANC member, as he was politicized in an urban area as a young man.
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Mkhandi Shozi, on the other hand, was more unusual, with his long- term residence in rural areas and his emphasis on gaining a leadership position within the customary realm. After Sipho's death, the ANC pressured Mkhandi to publicly support them because they wanted his influence in an otherwise Inkatha-dominated region. Local actors such as these two men, who moved easily between their roles as war leaders in local faction fights and as freedom fighters in political violence, then seamlessly entered local government after the end of apartheid.
While the negative impact of the state's recruitment of warlords and the third force is well known, less has been written about the potentially negative impact of ANC- affiliated warlords or their kin and followers, such as those described here, being integrated into local government in the post-apartheid period as representatives of the ANC.
Although the institutional mechanisms for obtaining a political post in the post-apartheid municipal government are different from those that operated during the time of political violence, the fact that many of the same leaders still hold political power suggests that the practices and processes that enable the deployment of power may also be similar between these two periods.
Indeed, incidents from the later political careers of these men or their families suggest that the building of allegiances based on ties of kinship and patronage continued to be a key part of the way they exercised power. For example, a long-time ANC activist from eMbo-Timuni told me that during the first elections in , the ANC assigned him the task of driving Mkhandi and his warriors around the area at night to campaign on behalf of the ANC.
Apart from his own discomfort and fear that he might be targeted for this activity, he also questioned the impression that was being made by the ANC's association with Mkhandi. He feared that the impression given by this support was that the ANC might be attempting to garner electoral votes through the influence of powerful male leaders whose followers would vote according to their lead. Political power, even after the end of apartheid, was still seen as tied to one's proximity to powerful men rather than to a democratic process.
In interviews with local community members, many people spoke of their votes as a way of declaring allegiance and belonging to a political party, and if patronage was not forthcoming from the state, threatened to withdraw from the entire voting process. This viewpoint was probably reinforced by an understanding of how power has operated in Umbumbulu historically, and by the continuity of leadership that is demonstrated by figures such as Mkhandi Shozi campaigning at night on behalf of the ANC.
The case presented here paints a more complex picture of the relationship between these men and the national-level struggle. Sipho Mkhize was an ANC activist as early as the s, and yet he set himself up as a powerful local leader in a rural area who was actively involved in faction fights and local power struggles as well as the national anti-apartheid campaign.
The incorporation of these men or their kin into positions of power after the end of apartheid continues to shape the way power is exercised within newly formed democratic institutions in these former Bantustan regions.
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Stathis N. The boundaries used by the census and election board do not always correspond with the boundaries described here, but there were just under 2, registered voters at the polling stations located within the two communities. EMbo was divided by the state into three different contiguous chiefdoms in the first half of the twentieth century. Some interviewees suggested around 60 families may have fled with Mkhandi.
Although eMbo is an Mkhize chiefdom, it is important to note that not all Mkhizes are from eMbo, and one of the major figures in this article, Sipho Mkhize, is from Makhanya. Death tolls in oral accounts of the fighting vary widely. The highest death toll of was given by a policeman in charge of picking up the bodies for transport to the morgue.
Death tolls reported in newspapers tend to be closer to Most residents agreed that 70 was too few and did not account for the many bodies that were either never found, or were only found weeks after the main battle occurred. Informal conversation, community member and relative of the man who was shot, eZimwini, 31 January The political party known as the IFP only came into existence in Its forerunner was known as Inkatha. Mkhandi was clearly sent to Hammarsdale to engage in violence, but he claimed to have only talked to UDF youths.
Examining this claim is outside the scope of this paper, but it is worth noting that Mkhandi would have a strong disincentive to admit to any violence against the ANC due to his later allegiance to the party. A retired court official Interview, Umbumbulu, 3 March confirmed the presence of members of the Security Police operating in Umbumbulu, and Mkhandi's description of the man sounded like a member of the Security Police, but this is not confirmed. Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Sign In or Create an Account. Sign In. Advanced Search. Search Menu. Skip Nav Destination Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume Article Contents Abstract. The eMbo-Makhanya war. Causes of faction fighting. Article Navigation. Mathis Sarah M. Mathis smathis pacific. The author is grateful to all those who read and commented on earlier drafts.
Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. Cite Cite Sarah M. Select Format Select format. Permissions Icon Permissions. Abstract This article analyses the relationship between violence, the transition from apartheid, and contemporary state formation in South Africa. Kalyvas, Logic of Violence , p. Interview, Jabulani Sithole, Durban, 24 April Interview, Mkhandi Shozi, Mpandwini, 7 April Interview, community member, oGagwini, 6 April Interview, community member, eZimwini, 19 December Interview, Inkosi L.
Mkhize, oGagwini, 8 April Interview, Flora Mkhize, Isipingo, 2 March Interview, retired KwaZulu policeman, Umlazi, 16 August All rights reserved. Issue Section:. Download all slides. Comments 0. Add comment Close comment form modal. I agree to the terms and conditions. You must accept the terms and conditions. Add comment Cancel. Submit a comment. Comment title. You have entered an invalid code.
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