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The Empire also saw military service during the Second World War. During the s, global demand for air travel was consistently and rapidly growing. Thus, keen to grow their share of this emerging market, British airline Imperial Airways was keen to expand and sought the latest technology to do so.
In particular, Imperial Airways' technical advisor, Major Robert Hobart Mayo developed a specification for a new type of aircraft to serve both passenger and freight requirements throughout the world. Early on, it was apparent that Short Brothers, who had previously developed and produced several large flying boats for Imperial Airways and the Royal Air Force RAF which had proven to be sound designs in terms of performance and safety, would be a frontrunner to fulfil the requirement.
A design team led by Arthur Gouge set about designing what would become the Empire. It was quickly determined that, in order to possess the sufficient clearance between the tips of the propellers and the water, the wing would need to be in a high mounted position; initially to be housed in a hump above the fuselage for sufficient height, the fuselage depth was instead increased, providing more internal volume than required but enabling a lighter and stronger integration of the cantilever wing with the fuselage.
At the time of development, the British aircraft industry had never attempted to construct an aeroplane of this size and complexity before; accordingly, many new techniques were devised to overcome problems encountered, particularly during its construction process. The second Empire and the first of the long-range models to be produced, G-ADHM , named 'Caledonia', performed her first flight on 15 September and was delivered to Imperial Airways on 4 December The S.
The first of the S. A total of four flying S. The refuelling was performed by three converted Handley Page Harrow bombers, one operating out of Ireland and two out of Newfoundland. In , Imperial Airways placed a further follow-on order for a modified model of the S. A substantial larger development of the Empire flying boat, effectively a new aircraft, was the S. It was intended to be used for year-round services on the North Atlantic route.
The Short Empire flying boat is a relatively clean-looking high-wing monoplane , initially powered by an arrangement of four wing-mounted Bristol Pegasus Xc radial engines which drove de Havilland -built variable-pitch propellers.
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This allowed portions of the leading edge adjacent to the engines to be hinged forwards and used as platforms from which to maintain the engines. The wings had a flush- riveted Alclad covering and featured both Frise-type ailerons and the internally-developed Gouge flaps , the latter of which were actuated by an electric motor connected via a gearing system and screw jacks , allowing the flaps to be lowered in 60 seconds and raised within 90 seconds.
Elements of the leading edge of the wing, set upon either side of the engine nacelles, could be folded down to act as servicing platforms for both the engines and the floats , the latter of which were carried upon tandem struts fixed onto the main spar and featured shock absorbers in order to eliminate undue torsional loads being transmitted to the wings by the sudden impact of waves while travelling at speed.
The hull, which had adopted a radically new shape, employed mainly traditional construction methods at Shorts. The structure used a combination of 'Z'-shaped stringers and 'I'-shaped girders to form triangular sections that ran along the chines located at the point where the fuselage sides met with the planing underside. This office contained controls such as electrical fuseboxes and circuit switches, ventilation controls, and fuelcocks. Near the rear of the aircraft, a further compartment for the purpose of containing freight and mail was present which extended into the after fuselage.
The flying crew was seated in a spacious cockpit , also referred to as the bridge ; the captain and co-pilot were seated side-by-side while the radio operator sat behind the captain, facing rearwards. While designed as civil aircraft, examples of the type would not only see military service but be specifically refitted for this purpose.
In , two Empire flying boats — 'Clio' and 'Cordelia' returned to Shorts' Belfast facility, where they were modified with the addition of gun turrets and Air to Surface Vessel ASV radar equipment installed on the top and sides of the fuselage. On 8 February , one of the Empire flying boats, Castor , conducted the first regular flight, flying from Calshot , Hampshire , England to Alexandria , Egypt. On 5 July , the first crossing of the Atlantic by an Empire flying boat was conducted.
On the same day, an American Sikorsky S flying boat flew the opposite direction. On its return flight, conducted on 22 July , Caledonia flew the same route in the opposite direction in a time of 12 hours; in comparison to the competing Sikorsky S, the Empire was able to traverse the overall route faster.
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Several more survey flights of the Atlantic were made by Caledonia and Cambria. In August , Cambria conducted the East-West flight in 14 hrs 24 min.
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In , Cavalier was shipped to Bermuda and, after reassembly, started a service between there and New York City on 25 May After the design of the Empire had been finalised and production had commenced, it was recognised that, with some pressure from the United States, it would be desirable to offer a similar service across the Atlantic. The range of the S. Two boats Caledonia and Cambria were lightened and furnished with long-range tanks; both aircraft were used in experimental in-flight refuelling trials in order for them to conduct the journey; these modifications came at the cost of being able to carry fewer passengers and less cargo.
In an attempt to manage the Atlantic crossing, an alternative 'piggy-back' approach was trialled. This concept had been strongly advocated for by Imperial Airways' technical advisor, Major Robert Hobart Mayo, as a means of significantly increasing both range and payload, and had been well received by both the airline and the British Air Ministry , the latter of which placed an order with Shorts. Together, they were known as the Short Mayo Composite. During wartime, there was interest in the concept using alternative land-based aircraft to deliver Hawker Hurricane fighter aircraft for aerial protection over the mid-Atlantic.
After Italy entered the Second World War in June , it became impossible for mail to be safely flown between Britain and Egypt and thus onto Australia via the Mediterranean. This was restricted after the loss of Singapore in February to being between Durban and Calcutta , India. Wartime experience in operating the type at overload weights resulted in the realisation that the Empires could take off at considerably higher weights than the conservative maxima provided by Shorts and, although the last Empire crossings to America were made in by Clare and Clyde , many more flights were made on the long, demanding and vital over-water Lisbon - Bathurst flights.
Many S. Most accidents involving the aircraft occurred during landing and were generally attributed to pilot error. For pilots trained on smaller less sophisticated aircraft judgement of height was difficult due to the high cockpit of the Empire, as well as the concept of using flaps to manage speed. Once in service the structure was found to be weak in places, especially on the planing bottoms, which lead to later models employing thicker gauge skins on the hull and wings. This had the consequence of slowing the British advance to a crawl.
The Zulu army, while a product of a warrior culture, was essentially a militia force which could be called out in time of national danger.
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Some Zulus also had old muskets and antiquated rifles stockpiled, a relatively few [14] of which were carried by Zulu impi. However, their marksmanship was very poor, quality and supply of powder and shot dreadful, maintenance non-existent and attitude towards firearms summed up in the observation that: "The generality of Zulu warriors, however, would not have firearms — the arms of a coward, as they said, for they enable the poltroon to kill the brave without awaiting his attack.
Fortuitously for Cetshwayo, the Zulu army had already begun to assemble at Ulundi, as it did every year for the First Fruits ceremony when all warriors were duty-bound to report to their regimental barracks near Ulundi. Cetshwayo sent the 24, strong main Zulu impi from near present-day Ulundi, on 17 January, across the White Umfolozi River with the following command to his warriors: "March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.
On 18 January, some 4, warriors were detached from the main body to attack Charles Pearson 's No. The remaining 20, Zulus camped at the isiPhezi ikhanda. The next day, the main force arrived and camped near Babanango Mountain , then moved the next day to a camp near Siphezi Mountain. Finally, on 21 January they moved into the Ngwebeni Valley, where they remained concealed, planning to attack the British on 23 January, but they were discovered by a scouting party on 22 January.
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Under the command of Ntshigwayo kaMahole the Zulu army had reached its position in easy stages. It marched in two columns within sight of each other, but a few miles apart to prevent a surprise attack. They were preceded by a screening force of mounted scouts supported by parties of warriors — strong tasked with preventing the main columns from being sighted.
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- Battle of Isandlwana.
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The British under Chelmsford pitched camp at Isandlwana on 20 January, [5] but did not follow standing orders to entrench. No laager circling of the wagons was formed. Chelmsford did not see the need for one, stating, "It would take a week to make. The experience of numerous colonial wars fought in Africa was that the massed firepower of relatively small bodies of professional European troops, armed with modern firearms and artillery and supplemented by local allies and levies, would march out to meet the natives whose poorly equipped armies would put up a fight but in the end would succumb.
Chelmsford believed that a force of over 4,, including 2, British infantry armed with Martini—Henry rifles , as well as artillery, had more than sufficient firepower to overwhelm any attack by Zulus armed only with spears, cowhide shields and a few firearms such as Brown Bess muskets. Indeed, with a British force of this size, it was the logistical arrangements which occupied Chelmsford's thoughts. Rather than any fear that the camp might be attacked, his main concern was managing the huge number of wagons and oxen required to support his forward advance.
Once he had established the camp at Isandlwana, Chelmsford sent out two battalions of the Natal Native Contingent to scout ahead. They skirmished with elements of a Zulu force which he believed to be the vanguard of the main enemy army. Such was his confidence in British military training and firepower that he divided his force, taking about 2, soldiers which include half of the British infantry contingent together with around auxiliaries, and departed the camp at dawn on 22 January to find the main Zulu force with the intention of bringing them to battle so as to achieve a decisive victory, leaving the remaining 1, men of the No.
It never occurred to him that the Zulus he saw were diverting him from their main force. Chelmsford left behind approximately British red coat line infantry — five companies, around 90 fighting men in each, of the 1st Battalion and one stronger company of around men from the 2nd Battalion of the 24th Regiment of Foot to guard the camp, under the command of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Henry Pulleine.
Pulleine's orders were to defend the camp and wait for further instructions to support the general as and when called upon. Pulleine also had around men composed of the Natal Native Contingent , local mounted irregulars, and other units.
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He also had two artillery pieces, with around 70 men of the Royal Artillery. In total, over 1, men and two artillery guns of the No. Pulleine, left in command of a rear position, was an administrator with no experience of front-line command on a campaign. Nevertheless, he commanded a strong force, particularly the six veteran regular infantry companies, which were experienced in colonial warfare. Pulleine received further reports during the early morning, each of which noted movements, both large and small, of Zulus.
There was speculation among the officers whether these troops were intending to march against Chelmsford's rear or towards the camp itself. This brought the issue of command to the fore because Durnford was senior and by tradition should have assumed command. Durnford asked for a company of the 24th, but Pulleine was reluctant to agree since his orders had been specifically to defend the camp. Chelmsford had underestimated the disciplined, well-led, well-motivated and confident Zulus. The failure to secure an effective defensive position, the poor intelligence on the location of the main Zulu army, Chelmsford's decision to split his force in half, and the Zulus' tactical exploitation of the terrain and the weaknesses in the British formation, all combined to prove catastrophic for the troops at Isandlwana.
In contrast, the Zulus responded to the unexpected discovery of their camp with an immediate and spontaneous advance. Even though the indunas lost control over the advance, the warriors' training allowed the Zulu troops to form their standard attack formation on the run, with their battle line deployed in reverse of its intended order. The inDuna Dabulamanzi kaMpande , half brother of Cetshwayo, commanded the Undi Corps after Zibhebhu kaMaphitha , the regular inkhosi , or commander, was wounded.
While Chelmsford was in the field seeking them, the entire Zulu army had outmanoeuvred him, moving behind his force with the intention of attacking the British Army on the 23rd. Pulleine had received reports of large forces of Zulus throughout the morning of the 22nd from am on. Vedettes had observed Zulus on the hills to the left front, and Lt. Chard, while he was at the camp, observed a large force of several thousand Zulu moving to the British left around the hill of Isandlwana. Pulleine sent word to Chelmsford, which was received by the General between am and am.
Charles Raw's troop of scouts, who chased a number of Zulus into a valley, only then seeing most of the 20, men of the main enemy force sitting in total quiet. Having been discovered, the Zulu force leapt to the offensive.
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Raw's men began a fighting retreat back to the camp and a messenger was sent to warn Pulleine. The Zulu attack then developed in the traditional horns and chest of the buffalo, with the aim of encircling the British position. From Pulleine's vantage point in the camp, at first only the right horn and then the chest centre of the attack seemed to be developing. Pulleine sent out first one, then all six companies of the 24th Foot into an extended firing line, with the aim of meeting the Zulu attack head-on and checking it with firepower.
Durnford's men, upon meeting elements of the Zulu centre, had retreated to a donga , a dried-out watercourse, on the British right flank where they formed a defensive line. The rocket battery under Durnford's command, which was not mounted and dropped behind the rest of the force, was isolated and overrun very early in the engagement.
The two battalions of native troops were in Durnford's line; while all the officers and NCOs carried rifles, only one in 10 in the ranks was armed with a muzzle-loading musket with limited ammunition [60] [61] and many of them started to leave the battlefield at this point.
Pulleine only made one change to the original disposition after about 20 minutes of firing, bringing in the companies in the firing line slightly closer to the camp.