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It was always all of these things. The violence of racial discrimination and the resentment it bred are part of the nation's DNA. Social media has provided an outlet for amplifying the crudest racial slurs and anger over corruption and inequality have stoked an increasingly febrile environment. Last February a year-old black athlete, Thabang Mosiako, was walking with some friends in Potchefstroom when he saw a shop assistant being insulted by a group of young white men. His friend, also an athlete, suffered a broken arm.
Mr Mosiako runs for South Africa and lost three months from his training because of the beating he received. I can't even go to town alone. I don't know when and where will they come back again.
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Travel km miles north-east to the town of Middelburg and you learn that racist violence can still be lethal. The town has some bad history. In August two white farmers were filmed beating and then forcing a black man into a coffin in which they told him he would be buried alive. They were given sentences of 11 and 14 years. In another case, Xolisile Ndongzana, 26, was driving home in Middleburg one night last July when he found the road blocked by a group of white men.
They approached the car and threw alcohol through the open window, drenching the occupants. Mr Ndongzana was dragged out. His friend, Laurence Nelumoni, witnessed the violence. When I tried to save him, it was too late. They used all these 'k-words' - black, kaffir, everything. It was terrible. The "k-word" was the most offensive racial slur used to humiliate black people during the apartheid years. It is a symbol of de-humanisation. Mr Nelumoni is rueful when I ask if those who witnessed the end of apartheid were wrong to believe in a "rainbow nation" - the multiracial patchwork of peaceful co-operating groups.
As so often in this country, and in this particular place, there are competing narratives of fear. The white farmers of the platteland worry that their land will be seized under government proposals to take property without compensation. The South African Human Rights Commission is taking one radical black leader to court over comments he made calling for the killing of white people.
Andile Mngxitama, who leads the Black Land First organisation, represents a political fringe but his comments have received widespread publicity and heightened racial tensions. The attacks on white farms - long a feature of rural life - have deepened a sense of alienation from the government on the part of some white farms. Right-wing groups have spread the myth of a white genocide abroad.
There is no genocide but there is genuine fear of physical attack and dispossession. Her land is parched and browned from a long southern winter without rain. The cattle are lean. We are standing outside the dairy building where Mrs Hall witnessed her husband's death. But by the end he was on his knees and the one black guy just shot him," she said.
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Her two sons live in the nearby town and constantly urge their mother to move away from the farm. But she will not go. I didn't steal it. Why should I move? I belong here," Mrs Hall said.
Had I left at that moment, I would have come away with an impression of a world incapable of change. The angry racist outbursts and the constant discussion of race on social media give the country a claustrophobic feel these days. But a recent opinion poll by the South African Institute of Race Relations think tank gives some cause for hope. The same percentage said that "with better education and more jobs, the differences between the races will disappear".
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Then something happened on our platteland journey. It was at once surprising and yet strangely familiar, a testament to this country's endless capacity to surprise.
Earlier we had spotted a bush fire sending a huge cloud of white smoke into the pale blue of the sky. It seemed to be growing in strength. There was a call to Mrs Hall's phone. The man on the other end was speaking Afrikaans and talking about the fire. We headed in the direction of the smoke. Mrs Hall led the way in her "bakkie" - the ubiquitous pickup jeeps of the platteland - and in a few minutes we were in the middle of the fire and Mrs Hall was shaking the hands of a black man who was fighting the flames. Firi Lekhetha owned the land next to Mrs Hall. He was a young man who had emigrated to the UK to play professional rugby, earned some money and returned to try his hand at farming under a government scheme to encourage black farmers.
Soon other white people were arriving and local black farm workers too.
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The flames were advancing towards Mr Lekhetha's home. Together the group fought them back. They knew the truth of the platteland fire. It spreads. It does not respect fences. Mr Lekhetha and Mrs Hall shook hands. He thanked her for the help; she thanked him for the loan of some petrol.
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I began to ask about the problems of racial animosity on the platteland. It would be wrong to read too much into the dynamics of a single incident. As I saw earlier in the journey, racism remains pervasive and toxic in South Africa. But the symbol of a fire that consumes all - irrespective of race - is a potent one for this country.
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